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Friday, 19 October 2007

AU sacrifices assistance to Africa to accommodate a dictator

by Tanonoka Joseph Whande

It never ceases to amaze the world how African organizations, which are always bankrolled by western or European governments and NGOs, always have the audacity to harass their benefactors at will.

The African Union (AU), a falsely assembled union of economically and politically barren and fragmented African countries, each pursuing their own agenda and no richer than the tuck-shop at the corner of the street, is refusing an invitation to attend a summit in Lisbon unless all are invited.

NEPAD’s much publicised requirement of good governance suddenly no longer applies; African leaders want to be feasted and dined while, back home, citizens bury the dead.

For reasons that are hard to understand or explain, the whole of Africa appears to be held hostage by one man, Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe.

It seems the dictator has found his way into the psyche of all who occupy State Houses across Africa for none has dared to confront Mugabe on issues affecting the region and the continent. African leaders, who cannot concentrate on the development of their respective countries but divert their attention, not to solving the Zimbabwean crisis, but to accommodating a wayward president, sacrifice the well-being of their own nations and their economies in support of a politically and economically destructive dictator.

People in Zimbabwe are fed up with Mugabe and the world is fed up with him. Only African leaders are not fed up with the man because someone else, Europe and the west, is giving them relief and subsidies.

Africa is being invited to an EU summit in Lisbon, Portugal, this coming December.
British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, is the lonely voice from Europe’s so-called democracies who has categorically stated that he is not going to attend the Lisbon summit if Mugabe is invited to attend. Brown cites Mugabe’s political and human rights record along with ‘his behaviour as president’ as reasons why he cannot sit down with Mugabe.

Over the years, Mugabe has been invited to attend these international meetings hoping that they would engage him in talks and influence him towards better behaviour. None of those attendances bore fruit. It appears as if he was made worse.

Some countries, notably Britain, the US and Australia, imposed limited sanctions, including travel bans to selected countries on him, in an effort to make him sit up and take notice.

The current bone of contention concerns the Lisbon summit. Apparently, it is only those leaders outside Africa who see the number of people being killed by Mugabe, who see his human rights violations and the deliberate starving of innocent children and the elderly.

“Zimbabwe, inspire of the crisis, is an African country and we are defending principles here,” says an AU Peace and Security Committee official, who wisely refused to be named. He went on to espouse the principle of non-interference, adding that the AU had asked Mugabe to talk to his opposition.

“We resort to interference only in extreme cases of violence or genocide. It is not the only country not to respect democracy. Look at Togo, Niger and others. Zimbabwe’s problem is mainly with London. It’s a bilateral issue and is none of our business. If the Europeans really insist on this point, the summit risks falling through.”

The old goats still spout non-interference even in the face of extreme cruelties. What the AU is saying is that it is okay for a president to kill a couple of citizens since they only intervene “in extreme cases of violence and genocide.” Fiddlesticks, what did the AU do in Rwanda except non-interference?

I almost wish I were a dog because the Societies for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals do a better job taking care of animals than the AU does in taking care of a single African. Look at how the AU confuses the world and causes unnecessary deaths in Sudan when outside help is there and available.

They proudly tick off African countries that do not respect democracy as if they are talking about African countries that have won the World Cup. People are being killed in Zimbabwe and, to the AU, it is a bilateral issue with Britain (it’s not) and is none of their business (it is). Just what is the AU’s business? And the AU considers people, especially Zimbabweans, to be stupid enough to believe that the problems we are having are between us and London?

The AU should just disband; they are causing and condoning the deaths of Africans. John Kuffour and Alpha Konare should be ashamed of themselves.

“On this file, the AU’s position is clear and resolute. All member countries should take part in the Lisbon Summit,” said another AU high ranking official. “As Zimbabwe’s Head of State, Robert Mugabe should take part.”

Last Thursday, AU Commission Chairperson, Alpha Omar Konare, and the current president of the organization, Ghanaian president John Kuffour, re-affirmed their position to visiting German Chancellor, Angela Merkel.

“We want the next EU-Africa summit to be a success and herald a new partnership. All Africans should be invited. This is the basis of this new partnership,” Konare said.

Needless to say, Mugabe’s political and economic behaviour and destructive policies continue to wreak havoc on Africa, in general, and on SADC, in particular. But African presidents don’t see anything wrong. To them, America and Europe are the culprits.
“African nations are very keen to have the summit take place since it can only be to the benefit of both sides,” said Anil Sooklal, South Africa’s ambassador to the EU. He said the EU would “use the meeting to sign a document for the release of €985 million of budget support to South Africa over the next 6 years.”

Sooklal did not say what South Africa will be giving the EU. Benefit to both sides indeed! And these people want to boycott the summit, where they are mere beggars, just because they want someone, who is cannibalising a nation, to sit amongst them in Europe.

Don’t South Africans deserve assistance that is due to them and not be forced to sacrifice their well being for the survival of a tyrant who is killing defenseless people elsewhere?

That is Africa.

Despite his appalling record in mediation, South African President Thabo Mbeki was, once again, tasked by SADC to talk to Mugabe and his opposition compatriots and bring them to an understanding.

Mbeki insists that there is progress in the talks. He appears to be right in that, three weeks ago, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change capitulated and made concessions that continue to baffle not only the Zimbabwean rank and file but people worldwide. One of the items included the MDC’s voting for a constitutional amendment that short-circuits democratic practises by allowing Mugabe to pick (or ‘anoint’, as they say) his own successor.

Zimbabwean people were outraged and viewed this as betrayal.

But Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the larger faction of the MDC, is now in North America “on the first leg of a two-nation tour to appraise party supporters and pro-democracy groups on the progress made so far at the SADC led mediation talks.”
People in Zimbabwe are still shell-shocked and are without adequate briefing.

Tsvangirai ignores the suffering people who have always given him all the support he needed from the infancy of his ambitions and who are amazed and rather hurt, confused and doubtful of his latest parliamentary move and goes away somewhere to explain things that the Zimbabwean rank and file want to know but are not being told. There is fear of betrayal and suspicion that the MDC, particularly Tsvangirai, is collaborating with ‘the enemy.’

This can’t be the progress that both Tsvangirai and Mbeki are talking about, could it?

The behaviour of SADC and the African Union led Zimbabweans to believe that Africa cares more about Mugabe than the Zimbabwean people. But now the MDC is agreeing to things they, with massive support from the people, rejected in the watershed Constitutional Referendum of 2000.

Of course, there is money in the diaspora, isn’t there?

*Tanonoka Joseph Whande is a Botswana-based Zimbabwean writer.

Monday, 15 October 2007


October 15, 2007

By Geoffrey Nyarota


HYPERBOLE or exaggeration is a figure of speech that is found in everyday language but is especially common in poetry.

Journalists occasionally resort to hyperbole in seeking to make stories seem more important or interesting than they really are such as when sports reporters refer to "the fight of the century".

Politicians and political activists are notorious for their habitual resort to hyperbole as they seek to impress people or to emphasise a point. When President Robert Mugabe addressed his mammoth home-coming rally at Zimbabwe Grounds on February 27, 1980, Zanu-PF spokesmen estimated at one million the number of people who gathered to listen to him. I am anxious to see how many would turn up without coercion today if Zanu-PF were to organize a rally for Mugabe to address in the same venue.

The estimate of journalists who covered that Zanu-PF rally back in 1980 was a maximum of 200 000 people. Estimates of the size of political rallies in Zimbabwe have become a controversial issue.

After the closure of The Daily News by government Samuel Sipepa Nkomo, then the chief executive of Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe, the publishing company, embarked on a fund-raising tour that took him to a number of countries abroad. The selling point of his campaign was that the jobs and welfare of 1 000 company employees were at stake.

I felt genuinely sorry for the donor community. The total size of the work-force of ANZ was just a little over 300. Many of them remain unpaid to this day, myself included.

Hyperbole occasionally creeps in retrospectively as history is recorded.

The figure of 20 000 innocent victims massacred during the Gukurahundi atrocities committed by Five Brigade in Matabeleland and the Midlands is a statistic that has over the years appeared in many reports, speeches, documents, articles and books. This figure is an estimate which cannot however, actually be pinpointed to a specific source. The recognized published authority on Gukurahundi is Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace, the report compiled in 1999 by the Catholic Commission for Peace and Justice, working in conjunction with the Legal Resources Foundation (LRF).

The 2007 edition of the document, now titled Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe, a report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988, was recently published in South Africa. It carries an introduction by Elinor Sisulu and a foreword by former Archbishop Pius Ncube. In the introduction in Part One of the report it is stated on Page 8 that: "Claims of casualty numbers have varied dramatically over the last decade, with the then ZAPU opposition party leader Joshua Nkomo mentioning a figure of 20 000 dead, and other sources putting the figure as low as 700. There is need to resolve these disparities by methodical investigation, in order to set the historical record straight."

Surprisingly for such major national issue, there has been little independent academic research conducted to establish the exact number of those who perished during Gukurahundi. There has been a tendency to be guided by our emotional fixation or attachment to the figure of 20 000. Perhaps the absence of serious research is not surprising in a nation where a genuine fear of the possible consequences of asking probing questions on this scourge now seems to exist. The latest case of journalistic hyperbole pertaining to Zimbabwe currently has my hair standing on end, as they say. It is a story that appeared on the Associated Press website.

Published under the personal byline of my old colleague Angus Shaw in Harare the article suggested that domestic pets are "now being slaughtered for meat in shortage-stricken Zimbabwe and record numbers of animals have been surrendered to shelters or abandoned by owners no longer able to feed them, animal welfare activists say".

Outraged by the mere suggestion that my compatriots back at home have been forced to add cats and dogs to their diet, I phoned a number of strategic people in Harare. My decision was in no small measure influenced by the obvious contradiction of the statement that the hunger-stricken residents of Harare were abandoning or handing their pets over to the Society for the Protection of Animas (SPCA) in unprecedented numbers. Surely, if dogs are now food residents would simply eat them, instead of handing them over to SPCA or abandoning them.

Among the telephone calls I made were one to Shaw himself, of course, and another to the SPCA.

Clever Muteura, the manager at the SPCA branch in Hatfield, Harare, dismissed the story out of hand without hesitation as a fabrication.

We have heard that story", he said. "We were very surprised to hear that the people of Zimbabwe now eat dogs. This certainly did not come from us. The people who wrote that story did not speak to us. They spoke to the people at the Zimbabwe National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, our head office. But we are the people who look after the dogs."

Muteura said there were serious problems with the story.

"When we heard about it we conducted a follow-up," he said. "Our inspectors conduct a follow-up on all the dogs that we sell or give away. After this story they did not establish that any of them were missing. That story in just not true. The majority of the people here are not even aware such a story was published. But the truth is that Zimbabweans just don’t eat dogs."

As for Shaw, initially he denied that he had reported that Zimbabweans were so hunger-stricken that they now slaughtered pets for food. I read the relevant sections of his story back to him on the phone. He then blamed the editors at Associated Press.

"I don’t know how they edit these stories," he said. "I have not seen the published story. I never see these stories once I file them. I can send you the original story."

He undertook to email to me his original article while I said I would send to him a copy of the published article, although I did not understand why Shaw never saw "these stories" on the AP website himself. Nevertheless, I immediately emailed the article to him. This was on Thursday, October 11. At the time of writing on Sunday, October 14, I have not received the promised original story from Shaw.

When I told Shaw that I had spoken to the people at the SPCA he said they had been intimidated by the CIO not to tell the truth about the eating of dogs. As an afterthought he suggested that I should return to Zimbabwe to see how the people are suffering. I assured Shaw that while I live far away in the United States I was probably more informed about the real suffering of my compatriots than he was while in Harare. Not only was I in regular communication with members of my extended family in various parts of Zimbabwe, both urban and rural. I am personally responsible for alleviating much of their suffering to ensure that the temptation never arises for them to eat dogs. I communicate even more regularly with correspondents of The Zimbabwe Times all over the country

I thought the suggestion was rather mischievous, if not spiteful. I live in the United States, not because I particularly love the country. While it does offer the majority of its citizens a comfortable standard of existence, my heart is in Zimbabwe.

However, if I acted on Shaw’s recommendation and returned to Zimbabwe I would need to create some gainful occupation for myself. There is no guarantee, to start with, that Dr Tafataona Mahoso’s Media and Information Commission would grant me a licence to start a paper or accreditation to operate as a journalist. Now if I was denied these two vital documents, how does Shaw propose that I circumvent MIC to start another paper.

Meanwhile, the fact that I live outside the borders of Zimbabwe does not mean that I have no legitimate right to ask pertinent questions about press articles that create a totally false impression of the situation in my country of birth.

As I said to Shaw on the phone, the Zimbabwe situation is so tragic that journalists do not need to resort to embellishment in reporting it. A few months ago CNN correspondent Jeff Koinange reported falsely that Zimbabweans now survives on rats. Now they allegedly dine on dogs. I suppose the next logical stage is cannibalism?

The late Reverend Canaan Sodindo Banana, the first President of independent Zimbabwe, who I had the honour to serve in the capacity of press secretary for six months, never tired of saying, "Only the truth will save our nation."

Friday, 5 October 2007



Outside Zimbabwe, the countries that have imposed sanctions are seen as having vested interests and therefore not impartial when it comes to understanding and resolving the Zimbabwean crisis. At worst, many Africans have seen the sanctions as a white racist response to land reform in Zimbabwe.

The following is a transcript of a lecture delivered by Trevor Ncube, publisher of the Zimbabwe Independent and the Standard, also the Chief Executive of the Mail & Guardian Media Group (South Africa). The speech was delivered in London on September 18, 2007. The Oppenheimer Lecture, organised by the International Institute for Strategic Studies, was on the theme: "Towards a New Zimbabwe: Challenges and Opportunities".

ALTHOUGH the Zimbabwean crisis has preoccupied the attention of opposition parties, civil society activists, global policymakers and researchers, particularly since 2000 when President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF government embarked on controversial land seizures, there has been between little and no focus on viable solutions to end the crisis beyond condemning and demonizing Mr. Mugabe and his misrule.

While the Zimbabwean crisis is now widening and deepening in every respect, the continued focus on the description of the crisis at the expense of finding and mapping out solutions to that crisis is now generating widespread fatigue, cynicism and even resignation among Zimbabweans and some concerned sections of the international community.

It now appears that the more the Zimbabwean crisis worsens the more Mr Mugabe and his Zanu PF government become entrenched in power.

I believe the time has come for those concerned about the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe to take a leaf from the Chinese language which depicts the word crisis with two characters: one denoting danger and the other representing opportunity.
Much as the situation in Zimbabwe is replete with dangers arising from the political and economic meltdown in that country, the very same meltdown is creating opportunities for change. Sadly, while the dangers have become common cause, the opportunities have remained unexamined.

Against this background, and in the interest of shifting the focus of our debate and policy action on Zimbabwe away from crisis-description to crisis-resolution, I propose to share with you what I believe are four opportunities that need our collective attention in the hope that we can zero in on one or all of them to facilitate the much needed positive change in Zimbabwe.

In my view, the following opportunities to resolve the Zimbabwean crisis are now in the air and one of them is most likely if not certain to carry the day within the next six or so months depending on the actions of those like us here who are concerned about bringing the rot in Zimbabwe to an urgent end:

Following the split of the MDC in October 2005, along with growing divisions within the ruling Zanu PF over Mugabe’s stalled succession and the disenchantment of neutrals across the political divide, there are now serious indications that a Third Way is finally emerging through what promises to be a united opposition front comprising nationalist progressives who believe in the virtues and gains of the liberation struggle, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

Along with Mugabe’s own exit preparations, there are very strong indications that the Zanu PF faction led by Retired General Solomon Mujuru is actively preparing to use the ruling party’s December special congress to force Mugabe out of power through a palace coup that would see the elevation of Vice President Joyce Mujuru or a dark horse such as former Finance Minister Dr Simba Makoni.

There are very serious but unnoticed indications that President Mugabe is actively preparing to exit by the end of the year in which he would anoint a successor, now once again believed to be Emmerson Mnangagwa, at his party’s special congress that has been called for December 2007.

There are also indications that instead of using his party’s special December congress to anoint a successor, and aware of the factional plotting by the Mujuru group that appears determined to oust him, Mugabe will seek and receive an endorsement from the special congress as Zanu PF’s presidential candidate in the harmonised presidential, parliamentary and local government elections in 2008.
Let us take a closer look at each of these opportunities.


It is common cause that since the beginning of the year, President Mugabe has made it clear that he wants to seek re-election after his current presidential term expires in March 2008 when he would be 84 years old. Indeed, he has thus far been mobilising various Zanu PF affiliated groups, especially among the ranks of the youth, women and liberation war veterans, to endorse and support his controversial candidacy.

But how is Mugabe’s determination to seek reelection an opportunity for change? It seems to me that Mugabe’s determination to seek reelection is also a ploy by him to find what his supporters have defined as a “dignified exit”—a short hand for an exit that would guarantee Mugabe immunity after his departure. An election could end up as a disaster for him should he be humiliated at the polls and be left without immunity thereafter.

So far, those opposed to Mugabe have responded by merely condemning Mugabe as being power hungry and wanting to cling onto power in order to remain in office for life. While Mugabe’s determination to remain in office for life, and the brutality associated with that determination, is indeed a central part of the Zimbabwean crisis, it is not enough to merely make this observation without also critically examining the reasons behind his determination.
After 27 years of misrule, ten of which were under the extended Rhodesian state of emergency that institutionalised brutality and unaccountability in Zimbabwe’s governance between 1980 and 1990, Mugabe has accumulated too many human rights skeletons in his political cupboard, particularly but not only those skeletons arising from four tragedies that have stood out over the years including:

• The Gukurahundi atrocities between 1981 and 1987 during which more than 20,000 people were massacred while many more were tortured and others lost their sources of livelihood.

• The torture, murder and forcibly removal of former white commercial farmers and their farm workers between 2000 and 2005.

• The consequences of Operation Murambatsvina (or so-called Operation Restore Order) in 2005 when some 18% of the population was displaced as a result of the destruction of its homes and sources of livelihood.

• The torture, murder and disappearance of opposition and civic society activists during presidential and parliamentary campaigns at the hands of state and ruling party agents since 1985.

There is no doubt that these Zimbabwean tragedies, among others, have left Mugabe vulnerable and liable to prosecution on allegations of crimes against humanity. As such, it should be obvious that a driving force behind Mugabe’s determination to cling onto power and remain in office for life is his fear of losing immunity of and from the office. His fear has been made even more real by the experiences of former Liberian President Charles Taylor, former Zambian President Frederick Chiluba facing various prosecutions related to alleged abuses when they were in office.

In my view, without condoning his abuses at all which will have to be addressed in the fullness of time through a two or three steps transitional process, I believe that Mugabe’s immunity fears provide us an opportunity to structure and facilitate his exit in a creative way that would minimise if not eliminate resistance from him and his staunch supporters in the security forces.

One possibility in this regard, which I see as an immense opportunity for reform, would be to persuade Mugabe to drop his reelection bid and to accept a constitutional amendment, possibly as part of the 18th constitutional amendment bill now before Parliament, abolishing the executive presidency in favour of a titular presidency with an executive Prime Minister.

In this arrangement, Mugabe would become a non executive president elected by Parliament for a five year term from 2008 when his current term expires to 2013. Effectively, this would address Mugabe’s immunity concerns without debating it—something which Mugabe does not want to entertain—while also allowing a meaningful transitional process to begin in Zimbabwe.

The same Parliament would elect a consensus Prime Minister to lead a consensus government of all national talents from 2008 to 2010 when a general election would be due following the expiry of the tenure of the current Parliament. The two year period before the general election would thus be the transitional period for implementing the much needed far reaching political, constitutional and economic reforms that would renew and regenerate Zimbabwe while bringing it back into the community of nations.


If for whatever reasons the first opportunity does not materialise, I see a second opportunity coming in three months at the Zanu PF special congress in December.
The second opportunity would be a variation of the first. After facing sustained opposition from the ruling party faction led by Retired Major General Solomon Mujuru, Mugabe has over the last few months been renewing his relationship with his former minister for national security, and now minister of rural housing and social amenities, Emmerson Mnangagwa, who leads a competing faction.

Although he was humiliated and sidelined ahead of the Zanu PF last congress in 2004 after losing the party’s vice presidency to Joice Mujuru—wife to Solomon Mujuru—Mnangagwa has been slowly recovering and reemerging as a power base again this time by lending his faction’s support to Mugabe’s reelection bid.

On his part, Mugabe has been encouraging Mnangagwa by once again making indications that he is his chosen successor. An obvious reason for this is the presumption that, because he was security minister during the Gukurahundi massacres, Mnangagwa has common prosecution fears over allegations of crimes against humanity and would thus protect Mugabe as a matter of self interest.

The growing talk within the Mnangagwa camp, and also from intelligence sources in Zimbabwe, is that Mugabe has called for a special congress of his party in December, which was not due until 2009, in order to publicly use it to anoint Mnangagwa as his successor.

What remains unclear is whether Mugabe would allow Mnangagwa to takeover the party leadership in December and move on to be the Zanu PF presidential candidate should elections be held in 2008 or whether Mugabe would still insist on running for reelection with a promise that Mnangagwa would takeover a year or two after the 2008 elections should Mugabe win. However, what is clear is that Mnangagwa’s camp prefers the latter not least because it does not trust Mugabe would give up power after the elections should he win.

The fact that the Mnangagwa camp does not trust Mugabe, who unceremoniously ditched it in 2004 in favour of Joice Mujuru, means that Mugabe will go to the special congress in December without assured political support.

This creates an opportunity for change through a “soft surprise” at the special congress as happened in December 2006 when delegates “surprisingly” rejected Mugabe’s bid to postpone presidential elections to 2010 in the hope of remaining in office as executive president until then elected by Parliament without facing the electorate.
What this means is that at the December special congress, Mugabe will be manifestly opposed by the Mujuru faction and latently opposed by the Mnangagwa faction. Such a political climate could pave way for a dark horse to emerge as a compromise candidate. It is hard to say who that candidate could be at the moment although Simba Makoni’s name keeps coming up.

Alternatively, the same political scenario engendered by manifest opposition to Mugabe from the Mujuru camp and latent opposition from the Mnangagwa faction could cause Mugabe to accept the first opportunity described above.

But the possibility of a “soft surprise” development at the special Zanu PF congress in December would obviously need to be socially-engineered taking advantage of clear and present political dynamics on the ground ahead of the congress.

My view is that progressive forces in and outside Zimbabwe could play a pivotal role to encourage if not to engineer that development by working with strategic Zanu PF elements. That would be far better than simply mourning about the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe and denouncing Mugabe for wanting to remain in office for life.


In addition to an opportunity of the possibility of a “soft surprise” at the special Zanu PF congress in December, that could see the emergence of a compromise candidate to replace Mugabe, there is also a third opportunity that would be in the form of a “hard surprise” through a palace coup led by the Mujuru camp.

In recent months, the Mujuru camp has been making it clear to anyone who cares to listen that they want Mugabe out. Early this year when the Zanu PF central committee was reported to have endorsed Mugabe’s reelection bid, the Mujuru camp started openly calling for a special congress at the end of the year to settle the leadership question in the ruling party.

The fact that Mugabe has now called for that special congress can indeed be seen as a victory for the Mujuru camp because it has all along since March this year badly needed the special congress. Already, the Mujuru camp is very busy on the ground organising the ten Zanu PF provinces and asking them to identify individuals they think could be presidential candidates to replace Mugabe. This is being done openly.
It seems that the plan is to use the special congress in December to achieve two objectives:

• First to challenge and even humiliate Mugabe by making it clear that he is not the sole Zanu PF presidential candidate as several provinces would come up with competing names.

• Second to force a nomination election by secret even open ballot which the Mujuru camp believes would be won by either Joice Mujuru or Simba Makoni.
Strategists in Mujuru’s camp believe that, should it become clear that such a nomination election is imminent, Mugabe would not want to be part of it as the writing would then be on the wall about his assured defeat.


The above three opportunities are all available to the ruling party and thus dependent on what happens within it. Yet the Zimbabwean crisis is national in scope and options to its resolution are not limited to developments within the ruling part.
It should stand to reason that Zanu PF’s continued failure thus far to resolve the crisis creates an opportunity for the opposition. Unfortunately, the Zimbabwean opposition has not been able to exploit that opportunity due a range of structural and leadership weaknesses that are now well known and do not need to be repeated save to point out that as currently constituted the opposition does not have a chance in heaven to move Zimbabwe forward.

What is notable is that the three opportunities that are available within Zanu PF are potent material for a new progressive opposition with nationalist and democratic roots.

Rather than standing by and watching events unfold in Zanu PF, I believe progressive forces in Zimbabwe have an historic opportunity to forge a Third Way that would bring together elements from the ruling party, the two formations of the MDC, other opposition groups, civic society organisations, churches, labour unions, student movements and the business community to form Everyone’s party to dislodge Zanu PF.
Mugabe, and indeed Zanu PF, continues to define the opposition as the MDC. A major if not only reason why Mugabe continues to be determined to stand for reelection against all odds is that he believes he cannot lose to the MDC. He has not factored the possibility of facing a united front of progressive forces against which he and Zanu PF cannot win.

The grassroots sentiment in Zimbabwe today is in favour of the reconfiguration of political forces in Zanu PF, the MDC and among political neutrals towards a united front. The opportunity for such a front is huge beyond description.

Based on the unfolding developments in Zimbabwe, a united front could emerge overnight and takeoff like an unstoppable wave. The major barriers to the actualisation of a united front so far are the following:
• The challenge of identifying a unifying candidate with the leadership gravitas and mass appeal across the political divide.

• Continued support of factions within the MDC by sections of the international community that appear to be committed to particular individual leaders in the opposition.

• Sweeping, indiscriminate and counterproductive application of so-called targeted sanctions against Zanu PF politburo and central committee members as well as parliamentarians—now in some countries such as Australia including children of affected official.

These sanctions have failed to take advantage of reform opportunities such as those described above including exploiting the growing internal divisions within the ruling party. On the contrary, the effect of these sanctions has been to draw progressive Zanu PF politicians and officials closer to Mugabe and away from reform politics.


The Zimbabwean government has maintained that the targeted sanctions imposed by some Western countries after Mugabe's disputed victory in the 2002 presidential elections are illegal because they do not have the authority of the United Nations.
While it is true that the sanctions in question are not sanctioned by the United Nations, that alone cannot mean they are illegal. The countries which have imposed the sanctions have done so in accordance with their relevant laws. Besides, there is no international law, statute, convention or practice that has been violated by the sanctions.

Therefore the illegality or legality of the sanctions is in fact a non issue.
The real question is whether these sanctions are wise or whether they have achieved or are achieving any meaningful objective. My own view is that the sanctions are not wise and that they have not achieved any meaningful objective given the Zimbabwean crisis.

I believe they are not wise mainly because they have led to the diminishing of the capacity of the countries implementing them to influence events in Zimbabwe towards the much needed resolution of the crisis.

It seems to me that Western countries that have imposed declared or undeclared sanctions on Zimbabwe have done so less to deal with the deteriorating situation in that country and more to appease political constituencies at home who want some demonstrable action being taken by their governments often out of emotional rather than practical reasons.

Virtually all of the countries that have imposed declared or undeclared sanctions on Zimbabwe have since 2002 experienced a dramatic erosion of their diplomatic influence in and on Zimbabwe. Within Zimbabwe, diplomats of these countries have lost access to senior ruling party and government officials who have responded by boycotting diplomatic contact.

Outside Zimbabwe, the countries that have imposed sanctions are seen as having vested interests and therefore not impartial when it comes to understanding and resolving the Zimbabwean crisis. At worst, many Africans have seen the sanctions as a white racist response to land reform in Zimbabwe.
These and related considerations demonstrate, in my view, that the sanctions are not wise. As a result, the sanctions have been counterproductive.

In the first place, despite denials by the countries that have imposed them, these sanctions have in fact affected ordinary people beyond those they claim target. For example, the United States Zimbabwe Democracy Recovery Act (Zidera) specifically bars American representatives to the World Bank, the IMF, Africa Development Bank and other multilateral institutions not to support any loan, grant or concession to Zimbabwe.

In turn, this has exacerbated Zimbabwe's sovereign risk status and thus negatively affecting a range of bilateral lending to Zimbabwe including from the private sector. Zimbabwe has gone without balance of payment support for years. The consequence is felt by ordinary people across the economy.

As a result, Mugabe and the ruling Zanu PF party routinely present the sanctions as the root cause of the country's biting economic meltdown. The opposition and civic society groups in Zimbabwe have found this propaganda very difficult if not impossible to rebut.

Outside Zimbabwe, bodies such as Sadc and the African Union have found it extremely difficult to openly or publicly criticise Mugabe and the
policies of his Zanu PF government precisely because of the fear of being seen as either supporting the Western sanctions that are undeniably affecting ordinary people or being seen as puppets of the West.


An impression has been created, at least in the media and diplomatic circles, that the only desirable or available options for the West revolve around taking tough action against Mugabe and his cronies through targeted sanctions including preventing Mugabe from attending global summits such as the Euro-Africa summit planned for Portugal in December.

In essence, the single strategy so far appears to be about isolating Mugabe and his regime from the international community. But as the experiences of Libya, North Korea and Iran are showing, isolationist policies have limited if any success. Ultimately, the best way of dealing with rogue regimes is by confronting them through diplomatic engagement. I must emphasise that there is a world of difference between engagement and support.

I therefore believe that the best that the West can do now is to re-engage the Zimbabwean government. After all, virtually all of the Western countries have embassies in Zimbabwe but those embassies are currently only useful for issuing visas to Zimbabweans who want to flee their country. Yet those embassies can do much better through diplomatic engagement.

While the content of the diplomatic engagement I am proposing would obviously vary from country to country, a leaf can be taken from the much maligned so-called quiet diplomacy pursued by South Africa.

I don't think there is any discerning observer who can argue that South Africa uncritically supports the policies of Mugabe and his Zanu PF government. Far from it.
Yet South Africa has considerable influence on Zimbabwe mainly due to the fact that it has remained engaged with the Zimbabwean government and other stakeholders. The current South African led SADC mandated mediation between the government of Zimbabwe, Zanu PF and the MDC is on the verge of yielding some positive outcome due to the patience of South African diplomacy.

In 1979 when Britain under Margaret Thatcher abandoned its aloofness and decided to become engaged with the frontline states, the liberation movement and the Rhodesian government, the result was the Lancaster agreement.

The current Zimbabwean crisis calls for a similar spirit of engagement and the four opportunities described in this presentation could be a strategic starting point.


If all the above opportunities are not fully exploited then I am pessimistic about the future of Zimbabwe. To me failure to influence events towards the achievement of the above options means that we are then resigned to fate. I have two recurring nightmares in this regard namely a spontaneous uprising by the long suffering Zimbabwean public or anarchy that would follow the sudden death of President Mugabe.

Allow me to talk to these two nightmares in some brief detail;
The situation in Zimbabwe right now is fertile for a revolution except for the absence of a leadership to direct people’s anger towards something positive. The immense and inhuman hardships that they experience daily means that they need the smallest of reasons to embark on a spontaneous uprising. This is undesirable and could result in unimaginable consequences for Zimbabwe. These hardships include the acute shortage of water and electricity and the general shortage of all basic commodities such as fuel, bread, cooking oil, mealie meal which is a staple diet, salt and sugar.

Life is unbearable in Zimbabwe and I have no doubt that the ground swell of anger could easily bust into open revolt for something such as a fatality following a stampede for bread at a shopping complex. Indeed I venture to say defeat at the hands of a visiting football team could trigger such as spontaneous uprising. The danger with this is that once it starts it would be difficult to contain and there is no knowing what the underpaid and disgruntled police and military would do in such circumstances.

As indicated above President Mugabe’s wish is to die in office. I have nightmares about the impact that this power vacuum would create were this to happen ahead of a managed political transition. While this might sound alarmist right now it is a real possibility because Mr. Mugabe is not exactly a spring chicken and intelligence sources indicate that he is not well at all.

The two factions within Zanu PF would go for each other hammer and tongs following Mugabe’s death with a high possibility of a shooting war. This is so because the factionalism within Zanu PF has reproduced itself in the police, the army and the national intelligence. I pray all the time that these two nightmares never turn into reality for the sake of my beloved country. In fact these two dangers emphasize the urgency for some political leadership internally and from the international community to help bringing about a peaceful transition.

I am also concerned about the talk of an election boycott that is doing the rounds within the Morgan Tswangirai led MDC faction. There is support for this boycott from the Solomon Mujuru led Zanu PF faction. The argument goes that if Mugabe can not be persuaded not to stand in March then the opposition should boycott the elections whose main purpose would be to endorse and legitimize Mugabe. While I agree that Mugabe wants a victory at all costs so as to go out on a high I doubt that there is a clearly thought out Plan B that would ameliorate the negative consequences of this strategy. For the boycott to work the opposition in Zimbabwe must have Plan B that would include a rolling mass action or civil disobedience that would force Mugabe out of office. I doubt that there is such capacity in the opposition right now.


The time has come for everyone concerned about the Zimbabwean crisis to concentrate less on the negatives of describing the crisis and more on the positives of finding solutions to it. This is because Zimbabwe is indeed now pregnant with opportunities for change and yet those opportunities are not getting the attention they deserve and are thus going unnoticed and unsupported.

Instead of megaphone diplomacy and fixation over President Mugabe the international community should seek to work with Zanu PF moderates and all progressive forces in Zimbabwe to influence change that is rooted in the historical imperatives of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle.

Tuesday, 2 October 2007


@@@@>>>>PLEASE KINDLY NOTE!!!!<<<<@@@@

Daily Commentaries and other "scoops" are posted on www.zimfinalpush.blogspot.com !!! "ZIMFINALPUSH": MORE THAN JUST A BLOG!!!


Please visit www.zimcrisis.blogspot.com and leave your views there!
















We have a lot of Demos lined up for the next few weeks.

To participate or for information please kindly go to www.zimrevyouths.blogspot.com You can also phone the Patron Rev M S Hove...Cell: 0791463039 RSA and the President, Simon "Dreadman" 0722611493. We thank all who are sending Solidarity Messages and Material Support! TOGETHER WE WILL COMPLETE THE CHANGE! MAITIRO AKO CHINJA! GUQHULA IZENZO ZAKHO!



Businessman Mutumwa Mawere and others discuss the Zim crisis!

Businessman Mutumwa Mawere and others discuss the Zim crisis!







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itai takana
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I think I have to explain to you all why I hate Mr Mugabe with such passion.

Please expect the full article by Monday, 17th September, 2007.


M S Hove...Cell: 0791463039 / mufarostig@yahoo.co.uk






PLEASE KINDLY VISIT OUR WEBSITE AT www.zimrevyouths.blogspot.com


We have secured an Office in Johannesburg.

We have received a generous donation of desks and chairs.

We need computers both the Office Computers and Laptops!

We have avoided seeking donations by advertising our needs but please kindly assist our just cause!

For more information please contact the PARTON, REV MUFARO STIG HOVE, Cell: 0791463039 RSA and the PRESIDENT, SIMON "DREADMAN" CELL: 0722611493 RSA.

e-mail: PATRON: mufarostig@yahoo.co.uk





"Zimdaily" has re-launched the"Fair Deal" campaign! (OPERATION ZANU KIDS GO BACK TO YOUR EVIL FATHERS") PLEASE ADD YOUR COMMENTS AT http://www.zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/2116/2007-09-10.html For original list please kindly visit http://zimgossiper.blogspot.com/2007/05/children-of-zanu-pf-thugs-in-diaspora.html





That demo at the Zimbabwe Embassy in Pretoria!

That demo at the Zimbabwe Embassy in Pretoria!
More pictures at www.zimrevyouths.blogspot.com


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Embassies here we come.....

After our successful demo at the Zim Embassy last week, we are planning to return there to deliver a Petition which we will request Mr Simon Khaya-Moyo to deliver to the Illegitimate Regime in Harare. But just now we will do a demo at the Australian Embassy to thank them for taking the lead in flushing out ZANU-PF kids. Check this space for details....... Then we will go round the other Embassies with Petitions which we will inform you about.

GOD BLESS US ALL! Rev M S Hove....Cell: 0791463039 mufarostig@yahoo.co.uk


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i'm done watching this

Please kindly listen to Pres Tsvangirai. Link below! Thank you!




The MDC celebrates 8 years of existence under the most brutal conditions in Mugabe's Zimbabwe! (Note well- 'Mugabe's Zimbabwe'! "ZIMFINALPUSH" as a personal contribution by the Rev Mufaro S Hove also celebrates 1 year! TO BOTH: WE WISH YOU MANY MORE!!!

Profs Moyo and Mutambara: similar objectives???

Profs Moyo and Mutambara: similar objectives???

Progress at talks???

Progress at talks???
I have no idea yet.... but I'm too careful to be quickly persuaded!



President Thabo Mbeki and the Zim "Regime Change" Agenda!

Mr Thabo Mbeki is fast getting to a stage where he will be forced to recuse himself from the Zim Situation!
What is "regime change", Cde President?
When the late President Kamuzu Banda was throwing his "enemies" into crocodile-infested rivers, was it "regime change " when Political Parties where formed to try and oust him?
When Democrats in Swaziland are trying to be heard about their plight at the hands of the young Dictator-King, are they involved in "regime change?"
When is "regime change" correct and when is it wrong?
If Mugabe is a Dictator and Mass Murderer, are the people engaged in "regime change" when they peacefully try to remove him?
So for Africa, should we not try remove any Dictator, lest we be accused by the likes of you, Your Excellency, to be accomplices in "regime change?"

Rev M S Hove. Cell: 0791463039 mufarostig@yahoo.co.uk


To go to the original "Zimfinalpush" Main Page, please click on


Monday, September 24, 2007


I have avoided writing a lengthy contribution on the MBEKI/SADC initiative because I was avoiding "rocking the boat" partly because both the ZANU-PF side and the MDC (in its "collective sense" as Prof Welshman Ncube calls it) were expressing "optimism" that apparently ALL WAS MOVING IN CORRECT DIRECTION!

We now have as the present outcome, the 18th Ammendment (in its "watered down form") being passed in Parliament!

The real tragedy is that a whole lot of fundamental issued are not being addressed!

Firstly, the whole range of Security Forces still "belong" to ZANU-PF! They are not impartial in any way and are under Instruction to "crush" the Opposition esp. the MDC!

Secondly, you can never have Free and Fair Elections if the incumbent does not accept that the people have a Right to remove them!

Thirdly, you can never Free and Fair Elections if Local and Foreign Observers support the Incumbent and will ignore the "cries" of the other side/sides.

Fourthly, you can never have Free and Fair Elections if you do not acknowledge the previous situations so that you know what it is that must be avoided! Were the Elections of 2000 to 2005 "free and fair"? If not (although we cannot change the past), what were the "anomalies"?

The excitement of the MDC ("in its collective sense") appears to me to be completely misplaced!


The Mbeki Initiative may be relevant if its brief is to persuade the Zimbabweans to suspend their Allegiance to Political Formations and concentrate for a specific period to Nation Building as some form of United Front (ie ZANU-PF, the MDCs and everybody else!)

For anyone to try to persuade any Intelligent Zimbabwean that the events of the past week are in the Direction of the holding of "Free and Fair Elections" is asking too much!

Mbeki and Mugabe have a "pact of blood" which would not allow them to arrange for the removal of ZANU-PF!

I only pray that time proves me wrong!

Rev Mufaro Stig Hove.



Cell: 0791463039 RSA.

Tuesday, September 11, 2007


Dear Reverend,

Since you joined the great trek into the Diaspora I miss the dialogue we used to have concerning our beautiful but crying country. As I have no contact with the rest of the other colleagues I have to rely on you passing this message on.

You may not agree with me but the reason why the country is suffering is because of rampant corruption that is thriving because the majority of those who should be fighting for change have taken the easy route of going into self-imposed exile. No amount of talking on the internet, print and electronic media and appeals to Thabo Mbeki, George Bush, John Howard, SADC, AU, etc can compensate for the absence of organized support on the ground in Zimbabwe. President Mugabe is very right when he accuses the MDC of being a puppet of the West – this is because they rely on support by our former colonizers for any real pressure on the ruling party. Whenever the MDC's power has been tested by having their leaders being arrested and beaten up, their elected councils fired from office, etc the only effective protest has come from their external backers and not from Zimbabweans on the ground. Naturally no sane African leader would condone an opposition party whose power base is so nakedly based on former colonizers. This is the message that leads to standing ovations for President Mugabe when he explains it to his colleagues at SADC and AU meetings.

The apostle Paul, in 1 Corinthians 4:20, says "The Kingdom of God is not a matter of talking but of power". An opposition party can only win elections by becoming more powerful become than the governing party while in opposition. Power is not a result of getting into office, it is the requirement for getting into office. The reason why there is turmoil in Iraq is because the real power that removed Saddam Hussein was a foreign force and people do not like that. We certainly do not want such a foreign inspired regime change agenda - change should only take place when driven by our people and not by appeals to foreigners. The only external power that a sovereign people should appeal to is God, because the will of the people is in fact the will of God.

With best regards

Mbira Vibes

(Simbarashe Mangwengwende:- mangwe@ecoweb.co.zw)



In July the MDC alerted the nation to the dangers of government besieging the struggling business community by ordering the slashing of commodity prices. President Mugabe and Zanu PF have now sabotaged the economy through policy inconsistencies and reckless populism.

Now the nation is at risk, without food, without water, without electricity and without basic means of sustenance. Schools opened for the third term, with headmasters and school administrators desperate for basics to keep them open. Some schools might close before the end of the year. Hospitals can no longer feed patients; hotels and food outlets are failing to access essentials to provide hospitality, and prisons rations have been reduced to life-threatening levels.

Ordinary people, state and private institutions and businesses are being forced to source food and other scarce necessities on the black market, which ravages the poor as speculators and beneficiaries of government patronage thrive on the scarcity. The poor cannot afford the goods sold on the black market.

Some businesses are closing down, putting jobs on the line. Shop and market shelves are empty; our families are exposed. Mugabe and Zanu PF continue to bicker and to sacrifice the people's livelihoods for political expediency.

Their plan is to drive the entire nation into destitution for easier control and punishment for rejecting Zanu PF rule. In urban areas the onslaught began with operation Murambatsvina in 2005. Mugabe's intention is to push everybody into a hunter-gatherer subsistence mode of life and to scatter whole communities into the countryside in search of food and thus weaken and liquidate organised constituencies and organised life in Zimbabwe.

I salute you, Zimbabweans for remaining focussed on the goal; for rejecting the selfish and poor Zanu PF election gimmicks. Experience shows that once a key sector of the economy is targeted by this regime, it is destroyed and the poor and vulnerable often bear the brunt of such recklessness.

I salute you, brave mothers and fathers, the workers, commuters, students, businesspeople, the unemployed and all our children for the discipline you have maintained in the face of such naked provocation from Mugabe and his regime.

We have a scheduled election in March 2008. In stable societies, a free and fair election opens up a host of opportunities for citizens. In our case, the conditions are so flawed that our voices are often muzzled. We must get the right conditions to pull through an election process that works as a catalyst for a holistic transformation of our society.

For 27 years, Mugabe and Zanu PF have proved beyond reasonable doubt that they are unable to lead us to the desired national destiny. Under this regime, Zimbabwe shall never realise the ideals of the liberation struggle. Mugabe and Zanu PF simply enjoy the blame game.

For nearly three decades, they have targeted the opposition and people of Matabeleland and the Midlands to defend their power-base. Mugabe has smashed the media; he has attacked white Zimbabweans, white farmers and the West; he has gone for the church and church leaders; now he has turned his axe onto ordinary people by smashing the conventional business environment.

We can reverse the decay. We have the power to restore our dignity. We can turn around our fortunes, our economy and enjoy our self-esteem. We can reclaim our sovereignty and our freedom. We pledge to lay before you a new breed of leaders, a new generation of committed patriots, ready to tackle the complicated task of putting permanent structures for a new Zimbabwe.

The choice is simple: either take the country into a new era or maintain a decaying status quo. A free and fair election can assist in lifting us from this scrap heap, restore our respect among nations and rest our restless population in its own natural home. A free and fair election, given the right political will, is possible.

With a worthless currency, a huge budget deficit, a shocking external debt, nearly 100 percent unemployment and a devastating HIV/Aids pandemic, fellow Zimbabweans, the time has come for us to swear that we cannot take in any more battering.

Mugabe and Zanu PF have lost interest in turning around the damage they have caused. They are hopelessly weak and tired. The regime no longer has the capacity nor the national interest to clean up the mess. The time has come for us to start afresh. The answer lies in the manner in which we organise ourselves for an orderly regime change.

Organise yourselves in every village, at growth points, in your streets and at meeting places to raise the nation out of this deepening crisis. Talk to your neighbours; engage each other in your churches and at gatherings. Talk about the future. Talk about Zimbabwe. We are ready to provide the leadership. Resist Mugabe's attempts to scatter the nation into various tribes and clans. Maintain the thread that links us to a single nation and a single identity. Fight the fragmentation, endure the temporary setbacks and overcome fear. Keep hope alive.

My vision rests on a flourishing, tolerant society that respects our diversity as a source of strength. We have already put together a post-Mugabe reconstruction and reconciliation plan in line with our national healing focus.

We need a spirit of togetherness and must come to terms with our disruptive past in order to iron out any traces of covert discrimination based on a person's ancestry and geographical station in Zimbabwe. A new Zimbabwe shall respect the people's right to decency.

Zimbabweans require a minimum state involvement in the economy. Zimbabweans require a cafeteria environment to explore their dreams and to realise their full potential as a people.

Given the pressures on our young people – a generation that has borne the brunt of this dictatorship most – we shall put in place a Marshall-plan type of programme to rescue the jobless millions through viable placements in all sectors of the economy in order to offer them a belated head start in life.

Zimbabweans stranded in neighbouring countries and beyond, searching for food security and economic opportunities, shall rejoin their families at home. We pledge to make this possible within a short space of time. We have a committed leadership, a leadership for change, a leadership ready for a new Zimbabwe.

Prepare yourselves and your communities for a new Zimbabwe. Let us stand ready for a society awash with food and jobs for our people. The temporary setbacks we are all facing shall vanish as soon as we mobilise and claim our space. The time for a new Zimbabwe is now with us.

Thursday, September 6, 2007


Well, Mr Thabo Mbeki, The State President of South Africa has issued a lengthy statement (LINK) where he has shown the whole world where he and SADC stand as far as the Zimbabwean Crisis is concerned.

Firstly, that the Elections were heavily rigged (
LINK!!!) is not an issue at all!

Secondly, that thousands of MDC members were physically assasulted and hundreds others murdered by State Agents(
LINK!!!) is similarly not an issue at all!
Refer also(LINK!!!)

Thirdly, the fact that Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF were discarded by the Electorate BEFORE (NB BEFORE) the Infamous Land Invasions is not a material matter at all to Mbeki and SADC!

Fourthly, the fact that Mr Mugabe has presided over the very ZANU-PF for over 27 years without allowing the very ZANU-PF a chance to elect or re-elect him by the democratic Secret Ballot is completely irrelevant to Mr Thabo Mbeki and the various SADC "Excellencies."

Fifthly, the fact that Mugabe was clearly rejected by the Electorate in the controversial 2002 Presidential Election is not part of substance as far as Thabo Mbeki and SADC are concerned!

Knowing Mr Mugabe as we do, he would have excitedly gone through Tsvangirai's Election Petitions without any delay if he was sure he had won them by any margin!

His only statement at the moment is: "That Election Petition is 'frivolous' and 'vexatious'." What exactly does that mean???

We who were part of the rigging machinery know why and how those Elections were rigged!

I, Rev Mufaro Stig Hove, can give a delailed report of how WE (repeat) WE rigged those Elections.

This brings us to the question of the way forward as far as the Zimbabwean crisis is concerned.

Of major concern is for the "Opposition Forces" to clearly define themselves.

1. What exactly is it that they are opposing? They desperatelt need to clearly define their "bottom line."
Is it Robert Mugabe as a person meaning therefore that he must go at all costs regardless of the hurdles that continue to mount including the clear message from Thabo Mbeki and SADC? Please make that absolutely clear so that we who have vowed to support the Democratic Forces can see how we can go forward in support.

2.Can there be some National Vision which accommodates ZANU-PF and Robert Mugabe?
I, personally, know that Robert Mugabe's very survival depends on his remaining in that Office (even illegitimately as he is doing at the moment.)

So he has intelligently intertwined his fate with that of millions to completely confuse the original issues.

Some of us need to hear what the general position of the Democratic Forces is.

The whole nation is on its kneesat this very momentas we pursue our various "Quiet Diplomacies" etc!

I shouldn't describe the situation on the ground because any serious person knows that there is no economy to talk about in Zimbabwe at the moment!

The talk by President Mwanawasa that the problems of Zimbabwe are being exaggerated must be swiftly dismissed as coming from a timid lunatic who cannot stand and defend his earlier statement that Zimbabwe was a sinking Titanic!

Mbeki's hope that SADC on its own can rescue Zimbabwe is irresponsible rubbish!
Utter deliberate rubbish!

Even mighty South Africa can never close all outside doors and depend on its SADC neighbours only! Why does Mbeki not try it for his country just today??
Mbeki thinks their position as SADC is the only "Revolutionary and African" position and all others are mere "sell-outs" etc.

The heavy challenge on the shoulders of the Decratic Forces is to clearly and swiftly dissociate themselves from that dangerous perpective (of being viewed as 'sell-outs'.).

Of course its said 'Politics is a dirty game' but never ever relax when powerful leaders join the despicably evil Robert Mugabe in propagating that stinking propaganda.

The tragedy of the Democratic Forces is that they do not seek the help of serious patriots to assist in the "clearing of the air" as far as their position is concerned.
Lets identify each other and close ranks as true patriots and complement each other's efforts to counter the heavy Propaganda of Mugabe now joined clearly by Mbeki and Company! 

The Democratic Forces have continued doing a pilgrimage to a clear crook called Thabo Mbeki!

What does Mbeki not know about the evils of Robert Mugabe? Refer to my article "Thabo Mbeki's proverbial long rope!"

Mbeki wants us to believe that South Africa will not play the "big brother" yet he completely ignores the cries of the very Zimbabweans when they describe issues that are not related to the land issue! Mbeki pretends to pursue a "Policy of Quiet Diplomacy" yet we who see through the mist see him actively supporting the rejected demagogue.

When did Zimbabweans start complaining about Mugabe encouraging "corruption" among his "chosen few"? Long before Mugabe's decision to pursue the "rectification of the Historical Land Imbalances."


I swear by the Living God that if Mugabe gets the proverbial "last laugh", Tsvangirai etc will spend their lives in exile until that 83 year old demagogue passes away! Wake up Tsvangirai and Company!
Don't be naive!

But the consolation is that there is no serious investor that can take any investment to Zimbabwe while Mugabe is anywhere near the corridors of power!

Thabo Mbeki is a depicable crook if he wants us to think that there is an investor (except himself, perhaps) who can take anything to Zimbabwe even if Mugabe won a "free and fair" Election next year.

Even if Tsvangirai went round seeking the world to support the new Mugabe Regime (if there is one in 2008), no sane investor would go to Zimbabwe with investment.

The real tragedy of Zimbabwe is that Robert Mugabe will cling to power at all costs and all black leaders will have to support him or else risk being labelled "sell-outs."

So Thabo and Company think they will label us "sell-outs" and it will stick?

No, you are mentally unwell Thabo son of Govan!
If you think sending "millions of rands" to Mugabe is a permanent solution to the Zim crisis, then lunacy is your misguided position.

You will stand by Robert Mugabe through "thick and thin" and that's your decision!

But you will go down in History as having blundered using SA tax-payers' funds to prop up a despicably evil dictator that we, the humble people of Zimbabwe were trying at all costs to remove.

Do you honestly think that I, Rev Mufaro Stig Hove, a black man would refuse 3000 heactres of free prepared land and a farmhouse etc.?

Would I refuse to be part of ZANU-PF and get all the benefits eg businesses seized from white owners etc.?

So am I a "sell-out" because I say Mugabe has assassinated all his contemporaries since before Independence?

Am I a "sell-out" because I say Mugabe, Munangagwa etc got unfair benefit from the mineral resources in the DRC?

Am I a "sell-out" because I say Mugabe is a dictator who has never allowed even a simple secret ballot even in the private Politburo Meetings?

Mr Mbeki do you not know or you do not want to know?

Even if the Economy of Zimbabwe were returned to a "zero" inflation and there was prosperity such that there is a 100% employment etc., the truth is that Robert Mugabe is still an evil Devil that must go (and you Mr Thabo Mbeki know it very well as well.)




Lets keep in touch CDE President.

Yours in the true struggle for a Free Zimbabwe,

Mufaro Stig Hove.....Rev.


Cell: 0791463039 RSA.


Tuesday, September 4, 2007



Police yesterday briefly locked up former president Frederick Chiluba and his wife Regina in a cell at Lusaka's Woodlands Police Station before charging her with being in possession of property believed to have been stolen.

And Chiluba revealed that he had documentary evidence to show who the true thieves are.

Meanwhile, Regina showered Task Force officers with abusive language when they asked her to accompany them to Woodlands Police Station.

The Task Force officers, accompanied by eight armed paramilitary officers, went to Chiluba's Kabulonga residence in Lusaka around 11:15 hours and requested Regina to accompany them to Woodlands Police Station. This was after Regina refused to avail herself for re-arrest following a Task Force call-out last Thursday.

Regina was recently discharged via a nolle prosequi on the same charges as she was arrested yesterday.

Task Force officers were met by Chiluba's special assistant for presss Emmanuel Mwamba, who advised them that Regina would only be available around 14:00 hours because she had to prepare and inform her lawyer Robert Simeza. But the officers refused and insisted on Regina accompanying them to the police station.
"We expected her to report at our offices at 10:00 hours and this is after 11:00 hours," said one of the officers.

After consultations, Mwamba later allowed five plainclothes officers inside Chiluba's residence. Around 12:00 hours, Simeza arrived and went in to discuss with the Task Force officers.

According to Mwamba, Simeza advised the Chilubas to proceed with the Task Force's plans to arrest Regina and that he would seek other means of addressing her concerns on the matter.

Mwamba explained that the Chilubas' concern was that the Task Force had taken the case as licence to abuse and take away their rights without recourse to the law.
Around 12:30 hours, the Task Force officers came out of the house while Regina followed them behind, showering them with abusive language.

"You tell Max Nkole (Task Force chairman) that he must tell me what so sort of jail sentence he wants me to serve. I am not scared of jail sentence, I was born in Lubuto a compound in Ndola, I can't fear Mwanawasa's jail. Bushe elyo naupilwe kuli ba Chiluba, lisambi? Mwembwamwe! (You dogs, is it a sin for me to have married Chiluba? Am I the only one who got married to Chiluba and has property?" Regina yelled at the Task Force officers as Chiluba chimed in: "Times change, time will change, do not take things for granted."

At Woodlands Police Station, Chiluba and Regina were taken to the Criminal Investigations Officer (CIO)'s room where a warn and caution statement was recorded from Regina before she was formally arrested. The arresting officer then led Regina to the reception where her particulars were recorded in the Daily Occurrence Book.

The officer then told Regina that she would be ushered into a police cell while her lawyers negotiated for her police bond. The officer told Regina that she had to be detained in the cell because both the officer-in-charge and his deputy who should have authorised her police bond were out of the station.

It was at this stage that Chiluba openly protested and opted to join his wife in the cell. Regina was ushered into the cell at 13:25 hours. Chiluba followed her and the uncompromising police officer locked them up amid protests from Mwamba and Simeza.
"You cannot separate us," said Chiluba as he joined Regina in the cell.

In a seemingly solidarity gesture, Kasama Central Patriotic Front member of parliament Xavier Chishimba joined Chiluba and Regina in the cell.
Police officers told Chiluba and Chishimba that they were in the cell illegally, and that if they did not get out, they would be charged with conduct likely to cause a breach of peace so they could legally remain in the cell. However, Chiluba and Chishamba were not moved by this threat.

After 15 minutes behind bars, Chiluba and Regina were released and escorted to the CIO's office where Regina was granted a K300 million police bond with two sureties. Mwamba and Chishimba signed as Regina's sureties.
Earlier, Chiluba protested when the police attempted to block journalists from taking pictures.

"Please forgive me, allow them to have a field day...this is good documentary," said Chiluba before the police forced journalists out of the reception area.
"Times change, times have always changed...we have seen these things... kumulu lesa, panshi ni uyo wine...aliya...nabobene baleya nombaline [In heaven it's God, and on earth it is that one who is now gone... the one who is there will soon go too," said Chiluba in an apparent reference to Dr Kenneth Kaunda and President Levy Mwanawasa.

Chiluba later followed journalists outside where he briefly addressed them.
"These are very bad politics...you cannot continue to abuse the court process the way they are doing. This case had come to an end, this must come to an end," Chiluba said.
He said he was shocked with the government's shameless lies that he only travelled 11 times between 1991 and 2001 when he served as Republican president.

"As president of Zambia, I only travelled 11 times, therefore I had no allowances because I had only travelled 11 times? As chairman of the Congo peace process, Angola peace process, chairman of SADC, COMESA and AU, I travelled 11 times? Crazy! Crazy! And all of you including the police have television sets because we liberalised the economy.

Since 1991 when we liberalised the economy, everyone has managed to buy a television set. So the president can fail to buy a television set? Crazy!" Chiluba said. "This country will be very easy to tell the truth...to distinguish between the truth and lies because we have not been moving as blind men, we have documentary evidence to show the truth.

As former head of state, I know how to investigate these things. I have enough documentary evidence to show who the true thieves are. They have travelled all over in England to look for money and they found none. The FBI was involved and they went round and found nothing."

But Task Force chairman Nkole reminded Regina that there was rampant abuse of the judicial process during Chiluba's time. Nkole said there was no abuse of the court process this time.

"Perhaps the person saying that should be reminded that abuse of the judicial process was more rampant then," he said.
Nkole said during Chiluba's time, people were being detained for motor vehicle thefts indefinitely and without trial.

On Sunday, Regina said although she was summoned to appear before the Task Force for possible re-arrest, it was difficult for her to co-operate with the Task Force on the current matter as they were clearly abusing the constitutional powers of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) owing to the manner in which her case was withdrawn before court through a nolle prosequi.

But Nkole said there was no abuse on their part because the DPP exercised discretion of his office.

He said the Task Force could not force or coerce the DPP to enter a nolle prosequi. Nkole said Regina had been issued with a call-out and was supposed to have reported at 10:00 hours.
He said after she failed to appear, officers were dispatched to pick her up.

Thursday, August 30, 2007


Senior ANC Offials have tenders to look after Zimbabweans at Lindela (where illegal immigrants are kept as they await repatriation.

So how can they support a collapse of that infamous place in favour of a proper refugee arrangement for Zimbabweans?

Then Rev Hove's comments on the hypocritical stance of Mbeki and SADC.


>>>>>>>> ###########################

Wednesday, August 29, 2007

Demo went well...

We are now through with our Demo!

The Press was there with their TV cameras and its not fair that I evaluate it myself since it is I who gave the key-note address.

There is nothing new that I said except what I have been saying for the past few years that Mugabe is the problem in Zimbabwe!

But please don't forget to listen "SWRADIOAFRICA" 19.00hrs ZIM TIME TONIGHT WEDNESDAY, 29th AUGUST, 2007!

I will be exhorting the Democratic forces on the way forward!


Mufaro Stig Hove...Rev.

Cell: 0791463039 RSA.


Tuesday, August 28, 2007


Please kindly go to original web-page!

PLEASE CLICK HERE>>>>: @@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@

This master-header is still under construction!


Rev Mufaro Stig Hove.

Cell: 0791463039 RSA.

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